@article{oai:nagoya.repo.nii.ac.jp:00027886,
 author = {樗木, 勇作 and Oteki, Yusaku},
 journal = {IVY},
 month = {Oct},
 note = {This paper deals with adjunct wh/quantifier interaction with special reference to when illustrated in (1). (1) a. When did everyone see someone?, b. When did someone see everyone?, c. When did John see everyone? In responce to (1 b), the reading of (2 a) is not available, while in the case of (1 a) both readings are available. (2) a. Tom saw Jack at 2:30, Jim saw Peter at 3:30, Bill saw Mary at 4:40,..., b. Everyone saw Jack at 2:30. (Jack saw everyone at 2:30.) Both (3 a) and (3 b) are appropriate responses to (1 c). (3) a. John saw Tom at 2:30, Jim at 3:30, Bill at 4:40..., b. John saw evveryone at 5:00. May (1985) suggests very intriguing scope principle that can be used in the interpretation of wh/ quantifier interaction as well as quntifier/quantifier interaction. This principle seems to make a correct prediction in the case of adjunct wh/quantifier interaction, but Path Containment Condition (PCC) on which May (1985) depends predicts that each adjunct wh, unlike argument wh, behaves differently, since the base-generated position of an adjunct differs from the others. In spite of May's prediction, when, how, where, and why may behave in the same way in the interpretation of scope. Moreover, May presupposes that when is generated within V', which turns out to be false by the argument in Zagona (1988). Thus within the framework of Chomsky (1986), I assume ECP instead of PCC, while maintaining scope principle of May (1985). This analysis makes correct predictions in the case of the above four adjuncts without assuming that when is generated under V'., 目次のタイトルは「Wh-adjunct / Quantifier Interaction」，論文内の英文タイトルは「Wh-adjunct / Quantefier Interaction」．},
 pages = {143--161},
 title = {付加詞whenの相対作用域について},
 volume = {26},
 year = {1993}
}