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It is claimed that while causative make takes TP as complement, as argued by Ritter and Rosen (1991) and Harley (1995), among others, causative have takes Aspect Phrase. This is illustrated in (1). (1) a. have [AspP DP1 Asp [VP V DP2]] b. make [TP DP1 T ([AspP Asp) [VP V DP2](])] Aspect Phrase, which is independently assumed in this paper, is a functional projection which is relevant to aspect. Aspect Phrase is not always projected in clause structure; it is projected only with stage-level predicates, and not with individual-level predicates (cf. Felser (1998)). These complement structures are based on syntactic and semantic differences between these causative verbs. In the first place, causative have can only take a stage-level predicate as embedded predicate, while causative make can take an individual-level predicate as well as a stage-level predicate. (2) a. John had Bill run in the three-legged race. b. *John had Bill like French cooking. (3) a. John made Bill run in the three-legged race. b. John made Bill like French cooking. The (a) and (b) examples of (2) and (3) contain stage-level predicate run and individual-level predicate like, respectively. Secondly, the negative particle not appears in the complement of causative make, but it does not appear in the complement of causative have. (4) a. *Bill had Ralph not marry Sheila. b. Bill made Ralph not marry Sheila. Thirdly, while expletive there is not compatible with have causative constructions, it is compatible with make causative constructions. (5) a. *John had there be computers available for all the students. b. John made there be computers available for all the students. We will further propose that the head of Aspect Phrase contains a variable to be bound by a tense operator. If the variable in Aspect is bound by a tense operator, the event described by a sentence will be located at some point of time. What is important here is that if two variables are bound by the same tense operator, the two events expressed within the two AspP\u0027s are interpreted as raking place simultaneously. As illustrated in (1a), the complement structure of causative have is not TP but AspP, whose head contains a variable to be bound by the tense operator of a matrix clause. Consequently, the event expressed by causative have and that expressed by its embedded predicate constitute a single combined event. By contrast, causative make takes a TP complement, which contains a tense operator different from the matrix one. Thus, the event described by causative make and that described by its embedded predicate constitute separate events. This may be supported by the following example: (7) Yesterday, the witch made John know the answer last night and forget it this morning. In (7), the clause-initial adverb and clause-final adverbs modify the matrix predicate and the embedded predicate, respectively. 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On the Complement Structure of Causative Have and Make
http://hdl.handle.net/2237/00030193
http://hdl.handle.net/2237/00030193bac04300-6c55-4163-963b-206423108af0
名前 / ファイル | ライセンス | アクション |
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Item type | 紀要論文 / Departmental Bulletin Paper(1) | |||||
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公開日 | 2019-05-13 | |||||
タイトル | ||||||
タイトル | On the Complement Structure of Causative Have and Make | |||||
言語 | en | |||||
著者 |
Yanagi, Tomohiro
× Yanagi, Tomohiro |
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アクセス権 | ||||||
アクセス権 | open access | |||||
アクセス権URI | http://purl.org/coar/access_right/c_abf2 | |||||
抄録 | ||||||
内容記述 | This paper is concerned with the complement structure of two causative verbs in English, have and make. It is claimed that while causative make takes TP as complement, as argued by Ritter and Rosen (1991) and Harley (1995), among others, causative have takes Aspect Phrase. This is illustrated in (1). (1) a. have [AspP DP1 Asp [VP V DP2]] b. make [TP DP1 T ([AspP Asp) [VP V DP2](])] Aspect Phrase, which is independently assumed in this paper, is a functional projection which is relevant to aspect. Aspect Phrase is not always projected in clause structure; it is projected only with stage-level predicates, and not with individual-level predicates (cf. Felser (1998)). These complement structures are based on syntactic and semantic differences between these causative verbs. In the first place, causative have can only take a stage-level predicate as embedded predicate, while causative make can take an individual-level predicate as well as a stage-level predicate. (2) a. John had Bill run in the three-legged race. b. *John had Bill like French cooking. (3) a. John made Bill run in the three-legged race. b. John made Bill like French cooking. The (a) and (b) examples of (2) and (3) contain stage-level predicate run and individual-level predicate like, respectively. Secondly, the negative particle not appears in the complement of causative make, but it does not appear in the complement of causative have. (4) a. *Bill had Ralph not marry Sheila. b. Bill made Ralph not marry Sheila. Thirdly, while expletive there is not compatible with have causative constructions, it is compatible with make causative constructions. (5) a. *John had there be computers available for all the students. b. John made there be computers available for all the students. We will further propose that the head of Aspect Phrase contains a variable to be bound by a tense operator. If the variable in Aspect is bound by a tense operator, the event described by a sentence will be located at some point of time. What is important here is that if two variables are bound by the same tense operator, the two events expressed within the two AspP's are interpreted as raking place simultaneously. As illustrated in (1a), the complement structure of causative have is not TP but AspP, whose head contains a variable to be bound by the tense operator of a matrix clause. Consequently, the event expressed by causative have and that expressed by its embedded predicate constitute a single combined event. By contrast, causative make takes a TP complement, which contains a tense operator different from the matrix one. Thus, the event described by causative make and that described by its embedded predicate constitute separate events. This may be supported by the following example: (7) Yesterday, the witch made John know the answer last night and forget it this morning. In (7), the clause-initial adverb and clause-final adverbs modify the matrix predicate and the embedded predicate, respectively. Such temporal modification is not observed with have causative constructions. | |||||
言語 | en | |||||
内容記述タイプ | Abstract | |||||
内容記述 | ||||||
内容記述 | This is a revised version of the paper presented at the 72nd General Meeting of The English Literary Society of Japan held at Rikkyo University on May 20-21, 2000. | |||||
言語 | en | |||||
内容記述タイプ | Other | |||||
出版者 | ||||||
言語 | ja | |||||
出版者 | 名古屋大学英文学会 | |||||
出版者 | ||||||
言語 | en | |||||
出版者 | The society of english literature and linguistics Nagoya University | |||||
言語 | ||||||
言語 | eng | |||||
資源タイプ | ||||||
資源 | http://purl.org/coar/resource_type/c_6501 | |||||
タイプ | departmental bulletin paper | |||||
出版タイプ | ||||||
出版タイプ | VoR | |||||
出版タイプResource | http://purl.org/coar/version/c_970fb48d4fbd8a85 | |||||
ISSN(print) | ||||||
収録物識別子タイプ | PISSN | |||||
収録物識別子 | 0914-2266 | |||||
書誌情報 |
en : IVY 巻 36, p. 109-132, 発行日 2003-10-31 |
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著者版フラグ | ||||||
値 | publisher |