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英語の照応形と主語指向的照応形について
http://hdl.handle.net/2237/00030137
http://hdl.handle.net/2237/0003013710d92338-7493-4152-9e8b-5bd4f4aa54b3
| 名前 / ファイル | ライセンス | アクション |
|---|---|---|
ivy_30_133.pdf (632.8 kB)
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| Item type | 紀要論文 / Departmental Bulletin Paper(1) | |||||
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| 公開日 | 2019-05-09 | |||||
| タイトル | ||||||
| タイトル | 英語の照応形と主語指向的照応形について | |||||
| 言語 | ja | |||||
| その他のタイトル | ||||||
| その他のタイトル | On the English Anaphor and Subject Oriented Anaphors | |||||
| 言語 | en | |||||
| 著者 |
三浦, 郁夫
× 三浦, 郁夫× Miura, Ikuo |
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| アクセス権 | ||||||
| アクセス権 | open access | |||||
| アクセス権URI | http://purl.org/coar/access_right/c_abf2 | |||||
| 抄録 | ||||||
| 内容記述タイプ | Abstract | |||||
| 内容記述 | The aim of this paper is to explain difference between English anaphor self and Japanese anaphor zibun. These anaphors exhibit different behavior in selection of their antecedents, as shown in (1) and (2): (1) Johni told Billj about himselfi/j (2) Taroi-ha Hanakoj-ni zibuni/*j-no koto-wo hanashita 'Taro told to Mary that his picture won a prize.' These examples show that an English anaphor takes either a subject or other grammatical functions as its antecedent, while Japanese anaphor zibun takes only a subject; that is, zibun is subject-oriented. Pica (1987) and Reinhart and Reuland (1991) explain this difference by assuming that subject-oriented anaphors are X^0 anaphor, while non-subject-oriented anaphors are XP-anaphor. In this assumption, X^0-anaphors must move to INFL, hence bound only by subjects in [Spec, IP]. On the other hand, XP-anaphors need not move, so they can be bound grammatical functions other than subjects. In this paper, I point out that there are some examples that cannot be explained by such syntactic approaches. One such instance is the following sentence: (3) [zibuni-no e-ga nyuushoushita] -koto-ga Taroi-wo yorokobaseta 'That his picture won a prize delighted Taro.' In this sentence, zibun, which is normally subject-oriented, takes the object Taro as its antecedent, although it cannot adjoined to the I, where it is bound by the antecedent. Thus, it follows that we cannot support the LF-movement approach to subject-oriented anaphors. Alternatively, I claim that the contrast between (1) and (2) is related to other contrasts like (4) and (5): (4) a. There were five tourists in the room apart from myself. b. Physicists like yourself are a godsend. (Reinhart and Reuland 1993: 669) (5) zibun-no youna seikaku-ha mezurashii (zibun=the speaker/*the hearer) 'Character like myself is rare.' These sentences suggest that Japanese anaphor zibun refers only to the speaker, while English anaphors do not have this restriction, when they are used deictically. This paper claimes that Japanese anaphor zibun is always takes as an antecedent the NP whose camera angle the speaker takes. Furthermore, I claim that the speaker takes the camera angle of the subject, if it is possible. As shown in (5), zibun refers only to the speaker, when used deictically. Under these assumptions, zibun in (2) only refers to the subject, because the speaker can only take the camera angle of the subject, and zibun refers to the speaker, when used deictically. On the other hand, if English anaphors do not have such a property, it would be correctly predicted that they take both the subject and object as their antecedent freely. | |||||
| 言語 | en | |||||
| 出版者 | ||||||
| 出版者 | 名古屋大学英文学会 | |||||
| 言語 | ja | |||||
| 出版者 | ||||||
| 出版者 | The society of english literature and linguistics Nagoya University | |||||
| 言語 | en | |||||
| 言語 | ||||||
| 言語 | jpn | |||||
| 資源タイプ | ||||||
| 資源 | http://purl.org/coar/resource_type/c_6501 | |||||
| タイプ | departmental bulletin paper | |||||
| 出版タイプ | ||||||
| 出版タイプ | VoR | |||||
| 出版タイプResource | http://purl.org/coar/version/c_970fb48d4fbd8a85 | |||||
| ISSN（print） | ||||||
| 収録物識別子タイプ | PISSN | |||||
| 収録物識別子 | 0914-2266 | |||||
| 書誌情報 |
en : IVY 巻 30, p. 133-145, 発行日 1997-10-31 |
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| 著者版フラグ | ||||||
| 値 | publisher | |||||
