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  1. A100 文学部/人文学研究科・文学研究科・国際言語文化研究科
  2. A100b 刊行物
  3. IVY
  4. 33

Some Notes on Cliticization : Attract or Greed

http://hdl.handle.net/2237/00030176
http://hdl.handle.net/2237/00030176
892fd8fa-3da1-4e7f-9148-7067bd9573e2
名前 / ファイル ライセンス アクション
ivy_33_31.pdf ivy_33_31.pdf (1.2 MB)
Item type 紀要論文 / Departmental Bulletin Paper(1)
公開日 2019-05-10
タイトル
タイトル Some Notes on Cliticization : Attract or Greed
言語 en
著者 Yanagi, Tomohiro

× Yanagi, Tomohiro

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en Yanagi, Tomohiro

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アクセス権
アクセス権 open access
アクセス権URI http://purl.org/coar/access_right/c_abf2
抄録
内容記述タイプ Abstract
内容記述 Chomsky (1993) suggested that an element moves for satisfying its own properties. This is called Greed, a self-serving operation (cf. (1)). In Chomsky (1995), however, this type of operation is thrown away on conceptual grounds. Instead, it has been argued since Chomsky (1995) that every movement is motivated by a version of Last Resort called Attract, which is defined in (2). (1) Move raises α only if morphological properties of α itself would not otherwise be satisfied in the derivation. (Chomsky (1995: 261)) (2) K attracts F if F is the closest feature of that can enter into a checking relation with a sublabel of K. (Chomsky (1995: 297)) In this paper, we challenge the approach based on Attract and claim that Greed should be still required. Specifically, we consider 'cliticization' as an instance of Greed-type movement, and show that cliticization cannot be reduced to other operations, such as Case feature checking or the EPP requirement. Thus, cliticization is more 'greedy' in that it takes place only to check off a feature of clitics. We distinguish 'syntactic' and 'phonological' clitics. These two types of clitics have been regarded as belonging to the same category, but they are not identical. Syntactic clitics appear in a position which the corresponding full noun phrases do not usually occupy. Phonological clitics, by contrast, appear where normal NPs appear. Both clitics must be adjoined to a host, but syntactic clitics and phonological ones are adjoined in syntax and in phonological component, respectively. We are concerned here only with syntactic clitics, and then we do not deal with phonological clitics in English, as in (3). (3) Pick 'em up! This paper assumes that clitics have the [+D] and Case feature, just like full NPs. In addition, it is assumed that clitics also have the [+affix] feature. This feature may not be relevant to interpretation, and then it is an uninterpretable formal feature to be checked before LF. Cliticization is a process of checking the [+affix] feature of a clitic by adjunction to a head, not by movement to a specifier position. Once a clitic is adjoined to a head, the feature is automatically erased and then the clitic never moves further. Consequently, excorporation of a clitic, as proposed by Roberts (1991), is theoretically ruled out. On the other hand, excorporation of a host is not theoretically ruled out, and as we will show, in fact,'verb-clitic' order in French is derived by this operation. Furthermore, we provide crucial evidence that cliticization is not driven by Attract. In ditransitive constructions of French, the order of the clitics in (4a) is the same as that of (4b). (4) a. Il la lui donnera '(lit.) He it-her-will-give.' b. Pierre donnera la fleur á Marie. 'Pierre will give the flower to Marie.' (Jones (1996: 253)) If Attract first raises the closest element, the first candidate to be cliticized is the direct object in (4a) and then the indirect object is cliticized on the matrix verb. As a result, the order 'lui-la' would be derived, contrary to fact. The surface order of clitics is a reflex of the normal order in (4b).
言語 en
出版者
出版者 名古屋大学英文学会
言語 ja
出版者
出版者 The society of english literature and linguistics Nagoya University
言語 en
言語
言語 eng
資源タイプ
資源 http://purl.org/coar/resource_type/c_6501
タイプ departmental bulletin paper
出版タイプ
出版タイプ VoR
出版タイプResource http://purl.org/coar/version/c_970fb48d4fbd8a85
ISSN(print)
収録物識別子タイプ PISSN
収録物識別子 0914-2266
書誌情報 en : IVY

巻 33, p. 31-59, 発行日 2000-10-31
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