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Antecedent-Contained Deletion and Phrasal Movement in LF
http://hdl.handle.net/2237/00030191
http://hdl.handle.net/2237/00030191025b04a4-80b5-41bb-95bf-63ae0a89de22
名前 / ファイル | ライセンス | アクション |
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Item type | 紀要論文 / Departmental Bulletin Paper(1) | |||||
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公開日 | 2019-05-13 | |||||
タイトル | ||||||
タイトル | Antecedent-Contained Deletion and Phrasal Movement in LF | |||||
言語 | en | |||||
著者 |
Oteki, Yusaku
× Oteki, Yusaku |
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アクセス権 | ||||||
アクセス権 | open access | |||||
アクセス権URI | http://purl.org/coar/access_right/c_abf2 | |||||
抄録 | ||||||
内容記述 | Antecedent-contained deletion (ACD) has been supposed to be solved by Quantifier Raising (QR). But under the copy theory of movement, QR does not save antecedent containment. Fox (2002) resolved the conflict between the copy theory of movement and Parallelism in ACDs by assuming 'the single output model,' which was proposed by Brody (1995), Bobaljik (1995), Pesetsky (1998), and Groat and O'Neil (1994). Beginning with (1a), the object QP covertly moves to the edge of vP in (1b), then the late-merger of the adjunct follows. (1) a. [VP John like every boy] b. [VP John like every boy] every boy] c. [VP John like every boy] every boy that Mary does <likes boy>] (Fox 2002: 76) In this paper, following Nissenbaum (2000) we develop a theory of QR and an analysis of ACD adopting cyclic spellout system and show that QR in ACDs is driven by [+specific] feature at vP. This is evidenced by the contrast between (2) and (3). (2) a. I read every book that you did. b. I read each book that you did. c. I read most books that you did. d. Mary put everything he could in his pockets. (3) a. *?I read many books that you did. b. *I read few books that you did. c. *I read two books that you did. d. *I read books that you did. e. *Max put some/many/six things he could in his pockets. (Diesing 1992: p.71) This shows that not all QPs move to the periphery of vP, by which we mean nonspecific indefinite object QP in ACD is unavailable. This fact is supported in Turkish reported in Enç (1991) and further evidenced by Condition C effect in ACDs. We propose a scope principle that determines relative scope of quantifiers under the framework of Chomsky (2001). Chomsky (2001) regards scopal property as an "edge phenomena". We show that the relative scope of quantifiers is decided phase by phase in conformity with (4). (4) The operation TRANSFER applies at the phase level. (Chomsky 2001: 9) The analysis we present here gives appropriate explanation to Condition C effect in ACDs, which are otherwise puzzling under the copy theory of movement. (5) a. You sent him the letter that John expected you would. b. You introduced him to everyone John wanted you to. c. I reported him to every cop John was afraid I would. (Fox 2002: 84) The analysis presented here also handles the difference between ACD-QR and Scope-QR which is focused on in Wilder (1997). Chomsky (2001) argues that there is no LF: rather, the computation maps LA to <PHON, SEM> piece-by-piece cyclically (Chomsky 2001: 5). He also claims that Σ and Φ interpret units that are part of something like LF in a non-cyclic conception. The tide of this article does not imply that there should be an independent LF component. Rather the word LF is used to refer to the covert area chat comes after spell-out. | |||||
言語 | en | |||||
内容記述タイプ | Abstract | |||||
出版者 | ||||||
言語 | ja | |||||
出版者 | 名古屋大学英文学会 | |||||
出版者 | ||||||
言語 | en | |||||
出版者 | The society of english literature and linguistics Nagoya University | |||||
言語 | ||||||
言語 | eng | |||||
資源タイプ | ||||||
資源 | http://purl.org/coar/resource_type/c_6501 | |||||
タイプ | departmental bulletin paper | |||||
出版タイプ | ||||||
出版タイプ | VoR | |||||
出版タイプResource | http://purl.org/coar/version/c_970fb48d4fbd8a85 | |||||
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収録物識別子タイプ | PISSN | |||||
収録物識別子 | 0914-2266 | |||||
書誌情報 |
en : IVY 巻 36, p. 63-82, 発行日 2003-10-31 |
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値 | publisher |